How do you know when you're witnessing a moment — one for the books, a raz-de-marée as the French call it? For me, it was a tram ride.

Last Sunday, as polls closed in Hungary, there was something in the air. Public transport was jammed, no way to catch a tram as they came and went full of people, Hungarian flags in hand, heading towards the Tisza Party election night headquarters opposite the Hungarian Parliament — a neo-Gothic beauty, majestic enough to host an empire. My producer Lauren said: “Let’s just walk.”

It was 7:30pm. And in that 20-minute walk, as thousands gathered along the Danube, it clicked for me: Péter Magyar was going to win. By 9:30pm, Viktor Orbán had conceded the election. Outside the Novotel, where the top brass of the Tisza Party had gathered to follow the results, chants of “It’s over.” 

As this email reaches your inbox, I am in Barcelona, where Pedro Sánchez is hosting a convention of “progressive forces”, which basically means anti-Trump leaders coming together in a conference billed as the antithesis to CPAC.

As an anecdote, one of the rooms in which I held a panel discussion with tax-the-rich economist Gabriel Zucman on Friday was named after the late Ernest Lluch. I also spotted rooms named after Frida Kahlo and Hannah Arendt, which gives you a pretty good idea of the crowd. Of course, the whole shebang is a much-needed boost for Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez, as his wife was formally charged with corruption following a two-year probe this week. 

Lastly, I am grateful for the comments and the feedback I received after the launch of this newsletter last week. I want to keep hearing from you as we continue, so this is my direct email: maria.tadeo@euronews.com. 

— Maria Tadeo

Magyar has a mandate - but does he have a plan? 

After winning the Hungarian election with a landslide majority, Péter Magyar came out guns blazing before the international press this week. He brought receipts and the bravado of a 45-year-old man with a mandate, looking to get things done quickly and settle old scores along the way. 

During a fiery press conference, Magyar accused outgoing foreign minister Péter Szijjártó of destroying sensitive documents linked to Russian sanctions in a perfectly timed, almost cinematic way, as he announced to a room full of journalists (including Euronews) that he “received a message from an insider” confirming Szijjártó had been spotted at the ministry and was shredding papers.

He also had words for some of Hungary’s richest men, some of whom happen to be Viktor Orbán’s personal friends, accusing them of pocketing billions while being practically illiterate. Magyar also showed the President of Hungary — a ceremonial figure appointed by Orbán — the door, as he called for him to step down "unfit to serve as the guardian of legality and unworthy of representing the unity of the Hungarian nation". He then took this picture with him. 

And then came the big clash on Wednesday, as Magyar appeared on Hungarian public television, accusing it of spreading North Korea-style propaganda to favour Orbán while vowing to shut it down if that is what it takes to stop a “machine of lies” comparable to that of Nazi propagandist Joseph Goebbels. 

So far, Magyar has been all about the vibes, and not so much about the substance. When asked how he intends to drastically reduce Hungary’s energy dependence on Russia — a core issue for the Hungarian economy — his answer was naive at best. He seemed to imply he can maintain a reliable supply while pursuing diversification, all while keeping prices low and conceding that a shift in physical infrastructure cannot happen overnight.

But Magyar knows he is racing against time. 

He needs to salvage €10 billion in EU funds that could be gone by August unless he strikes a grand bargain with Brussels — no small feat, with the impact on the economy potentially amounting to around 4.5% of gross domestic product. The EU is also keen to get to work, with a delegation arriving in Budapest yesterday to begin technical work on how to unlock the cash.

A source told Euronews the meeting is a first point of contact between Brussels and the incoming government in Budapest to discuss the EU funds withheld over rule of law issues, and that both sides want to move fast. Magyar has not yet been sworn in, but he is already in charge in practical terms for the Berlaymont, and direct communication with Ursula von der Leyen has started.

Magyar also has something friends and foes alike don’t have: a supermajority and a clear mandate, with all the tools to implement policy quickly. Donald Tusk over in Poland can only wish for such powers. But cabinet and party are mostly untested in Brussels politics and were barely operational two years.

Meanwhile, in case you were wondering, Viktor Orbán has re-emerged from his post-election hole. The outgoing prime minister is said to feel empty and devastated by his crushing defeat. A Fidesz official told me the party is in shock as it processes the extent of the parliamentary losses it suffered on Sunday. 

The fact that the entire project revolved around Orbán, and that he is still seen as the brain behind it, is raising alarm bells for the younger cohorts of the party. One Fidesz official told me the party ran a bad campaign and only seems to appeal to the old — as it gets older itself, with some of the younger faces losing their seats in parliament after the Tisza landslide.

For the first time, Orbán is talked about as a liability, and the past.

Sánchez goes on Trump crusade to win Spain

The Spanish prime minister hosted a glitzy socialist gathering this weekend in Barcelona, flying in leaders from around the world — from Brazil’s Lula to Mexico’s Claudia Sheinbaum — to deliver a rebuke to global MAGA.

The guest list also featured South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, German Vice-Chancellor Lars Klingbeil and former Chilean President Gabriel Boric. Surprisingly, Colombia’s President Gustavo Petro was also present. I say “surprisingly” because a) he rarely travels abroad, and b) a very high-profile European socialist official once told me off the record: “Petro is crazy, just nuts.”

European Council President António Costa cancelled at the last minute citing “personal reasons”, skipping a gathering perhaps seen as too political and overly anti-Trump for a job expected to be neutral.

But the star of the show was, naturally, Pedro Sánchez himself.

As I wrote in March, when I first reported about the conference as Madrid began to draft plans for the gathering, Sánchez is the designated survivor of Spanish politics  — a cunning, tactical politician who knows exactly what he is doing.

Sánchez and his entourage are convinced that a significant share of Europeans despises Trump, it's almost visceral, and that his MAGA policies are incompatible with making Europe great again. He also believes that large pool of voters feels politically abandoned and are looking for a leader to embody the anti-Trump.

From Gaza to Iran, migration to NATO, Sánchez's opposition to la política trumpiana has earned him global applause among progressive sectors. In fact, I was struck by how enamoured the Italian socialists have become of Sánchez, seeing in him a reflection of what they aspire the Italian left to be (and isn't).

But it has also earned him the wrath of Donald Trump, who has threatened to impose a full trade blockade on Madrid and cut off all relations. To be clear, Spanish officials told me the White House has not followed up on those threats privately and has not indicated any retaliatory measures on Spanish goods — yet.

The question is whether his international aura will be enough to make up for his weakness back home. Pedro Sánchez is the most polarising prime minister in the history of democratic Spain. The gap between his international recognition and his domestic polling is simply extraordinary. 

His government blames it on the Spanish media landscape, which they argue is too skewed to the right. But that premise is slightly disingenuous as the government uses public television to channel its message, and his own scandals and zigzagging have fuelled the perception of a man who lacks integrity and is in it for himself.

This week, just days ahead of the convention, a Madrid judge charged his wife with corruption following a two-year probe. His brother is also facing allegations of misuse of public funds. Sánchez has denied any wrongdoing. His team often points to what it calls a politicised justice system seeking to hurt the prime minister, and achieve in court what it cannot at the ballot box. 

A booming economy does not seem to resonate with Spanish voters either. And the Spanish socialist party has lost much of its regional strongholds, which partly explains why the convention was held in Barcelona. There is no path to victory without the Catalans for Pedro Sánchez looking to the 2027 general election.

So while he is lauded abroad, at home he is facing an uphill battle for re-election as not running isn't an option for him. Trump — and the sheer incompetence of the conservative opposition party Partido Popular to establish a strategy — may prove the catalyst he needs to mobilise his base. Sánchez is betting on it. 

When Giorgia Meloni chose Jesus over Trump 

There’s one thing you need to know about Italian politics.

It used to be unpredictable, although that premise is now being put to the test. And no matter who sits in Palazzo Chigi, every Italian prime minister entertains a good relationship with the Vatican — or at least tries to, aware of the immense power of the institution and its diplomatic reach.

So when President Donald Trump