Over the past few weeks I’ve been on several trips within Europe and to Latin America. In each place one topic of conversation has inevitably arisen: is America sliding towards authoritarianism? Europeans watched with incredulity as President Donald Trump sent troops into American cities, bullied opponents and attacked supposedly independent bodies such as the Federal Reserve. “Where is the opposition?” they ask. In Colombia and Brazil many I met remarked that their independent institutions and constitutional checks seemed more robust than those in the United States.

I have long been sanguine that America’s democracy is resilient. It has proved so over almost 250 years, and I have always believed the institutions and the checks and balances will prove robust now. I still think that is the case, but Mr Trump is posing a peculiar challenge. He is unpopular: his net approval rating is -14%, according to our Trump tracker. That is about the same as Joe Biden’s after his disastrous debate performance last year. Yet he is remarkably able to get his way. Why?

This week’s cover package tackles that question. Our leader argues that part of the explanation is that Mr Trump moves much faster than the forces that constrain him. So far the president has obeyed court rulings, but as soon as one legal avenue closes he tries another. He meets no resistance from Republicans, who insist he is always right, even when he contradicts himself. Independent institutions—companies, universities, law firms—might object to his norm-breaking and bullying, but find it hard to co-ordinate. And behind it all lurks the ugly reality of Mr Trump’s vindictiveness and intimidation, and a notion that it is someone else’s responsibility to do the right thing.

Politically, therefore, the main task of opposition falls to the Democratic Party. It is, to put it kindly, confused, as this week’s briefing explains. Does it move left? Does it occupy the centre? Democrats are more trusted by the electorate on health care. But on many issues Americans dwell upon, including crime and immigration, voters prefer Republicans. Ten years into the Trump era Democrats are still underestimating him. Mr Trump’s ratings might be low, but he is still more popular than the Democrats.

Politicians are similarly in a bind in Europe, where the shadow of the hard right looms over the economy. Indeed, by 2027 the hard right could be in office in countries that account for nearly half of European GDP. Some mainstream parties are already ducking difficult reforms and aping policies from the extremes—a style of government that risks hastening the very hard-right victory they are seeking to avoid. Bold change is needed—and the courage to implement it—if they are to avoid surrendering the initiative. Political courage is scarce on both sides of the Atlantic.